MICHAEL C. RUPPERT
Select Committee on Intelligence
(WRITTEN STATEMENT WITH
WEB NOTE: This
document appears exactly as I submitted it to the Select
Intelligence Committees of both Houses.To date, it remains
only a document submitted in advance of testimony and it
has not been placed in the Congressional Record. Although
I and Cele Castillo remain on potential witness lists,
we have not ben allowed to testify. The sheer volume of
my exhibits and the disk space required to scan them makes
it impossible to include these important documents here.
To obtain my full statement, with all 32 pages of exhibits
and photographs - CLICK HERE.
On November 15, 1996,
I stood at a town hall meeting at Locke High School in
Los Angeles and said to Director of Central Intelligence
John Deutch, "I am a former Los Angeles Police narcotics
detective. I worked South Central Los Angeles and I can
tell you, Director Deutch, emphatically and without equivocation,
that the Agency has dealt drugs in this country for a long
time." I then referred Director Deutch to three specific
Agency operations known as Amadeus, Pegasus and Watchtower.
Most Americans have been
lead to believe that the purpose of these hearings is to
ascertain whether or not there is any evidence that the
Central Intelligence Agency dealt drugs during the Iran-Contra
era. If these hearings were about evidence, then the most
patriotic duty I could perform would be to quote Jack Blum
who served as chief investigator for the Kerry Subcommittee
on narcotics and terrorism ten years ago. He testified
before this committee last year and said, "We don't
have to investigate. We already know." We could save
a lot of taxpayer money by just rereading the records of
the Kerry hearings. There is more evidence in there than
any court in the world would ever need to hand down indictments.
At best, I could just
quote you one entry from Oliver North's diary dated July
5, 1985, which said that $14 million to buy weapons for
the Contras, "came from drugs." I wouldn't need
to mention the two hundred and fifty other such entries
in his diary, which refer to narcotics. Or I could quote
Dennis Dayle a senior DEA supervisory agent who said, "In
my thirty year history in DEA, the major targets of my
investigations almost invariably turned out to be working
for the C.I.A."
But these hearings are
not about evidence. They are about corruption and cover-up.
The CIA did not just deal drugs during the Iran-Contra
era; it has done so for the full fifty years of its history.
Today I will give you evidence which will show that the
CIA, and many figures who became known during Iran-Contra
such as Richard Secord, Ted Shackley, Tom Clines, Felix
Rodriguez and George Herbert Walker Bush, who was DCI when
I first became exposed to Agency drug dealing, have been
selling drugs to Americans since the Vietnam era. I have
been very careful to make sure that what I tell you today
is admissible evidence in criminal proceedings.
In a court of law the
testimony of an eyewitness is one of the most prized possessions
of a prosecutor. It is direct evidence of a crime. I am
an eyewitness. Another form of frequently used evidence
is an exception to the hearsay rule in which admissions
against the interest of a criminal participant or a material
witness are admitted into evidence if given under oath
by the person to whom the statements were made. I am under
oath and I will provide you today with utterly damning
admissions against interest made by people with direct
knowledge of these events. There is also documentary and
circumstantial evidence and I will present you with that
My evidence will show
conclusively that, as a matter of national policy, set
at the National Security Council - the White House - elements
of the C.I.A., in concert with elements of the military,
and other federal agencies, have dealt drugs to Americans
for at least three decades. Major defense contractors like
E-Systems have also engaged in such traffic. I will not
cover the outstanding work of scholars such as Alfred McCoy
of the University of Wisconsin and Peter Dale Scott of
the University of California at Berkeley who document this
activity back to the forties. Nor will I attempt to deliver
the material which should be given to you directly by a
great many other heroic witnesses including Celerino Castillo,
Mike Levine, Dee Ferdinand, David Sabow, Brad Ayers, Tosh
Plumley, Bo Abbott, Danny Sheehan, Gene Wheaton, John Mattes,
Jack Terrell, Winfred Richardson (formerly of E-Systems),
Michelle Cooper (formerly of E-Systems), Bill Tyree and
Dois G. "Chip" Tatum. Also this committee should
interview two former CIA employees on the subject. Their
names are David MacMichael and Ralph McGehee.
The evidence will also
show that the CIA has infiltrated and established illegal
relationships with a number of police departments around
the country. One of the purposes of this has been to protect
CIA drug operations from law enforcement. I have personal
knowledge of this activity in Los Angeles and New Orleans
and have documented such a case in New York City.
All of the exhibits I
will present today are among the two hundred and fifty
plus pages of documents I provided to your investigators
when they visited me in Los Angeles last year.
This is my testimony:
My name is Michael Craig
Ruppert. I was born in Washington, D.C. My father was an
Air Force officer and later an aerospace executive who
worked on projects which included the Titan IIIC which
was then the primary booster for the CIA's Keyhole spy
satellites. My father's cousin, Barbara Burges and her
husband Sam, are both retired from the Central Intelligence
Agency. My mother was a cryptographer for Army Intelligence
at Fort Meyer during the Second World War.
I was raised Republican
into a culture steeped in the best traditions of honor
and national defense. From 1969 to 1973 I was one of two "living" Republicans
on the UCLA campus. The other was Craig L. Fuller who was
chosen to intern for Governor Ronald Reagan at the same
time that I was chosen, as an honors student in Political
Science, to intern for Chief Edward M. Davis of the Los
Angeles Police Department.
I interned for LAPD for
three years and during that time was exposed to many LAPD
officers of varying ranks who had connections to the intelligence
community. I was told that I held a "Q" Clearance
at age twenty. Just before my graduation from UCLA, on
a plane ticket paid for by family, I flew to Washington
and, in a meeting arranged by the Burgesses, was interviewed
by a CIA officer regarding employment with the Agency.
At that interview the recruitment officer told me he wanted
me to join the Agency and then return to Los Angeles where
I would attend the Los Angeles Police Academy and use my
position as a police officer as a cover.
The CIA officer provided
me with a stack of documents which he said were necessary
for me to complete for a background check. The interview
Because I knew that CIA
domestic operations were illegal and because I felt extremely
uncomfortable with that proposition, I never completed
the forms or had any further official contact with
the Agency until seven years later.
After my graduation from
UCLA in June 1973 I joined the LAPD and was the Valedictorian
for the last three classes of 1973. I was assigned to Wilshire
Division patrol. I excelled at patrol work and was subsequently
loaned into Detective assignments including burglary and
homicide. I had two extended loans into Wilshire Division
Narcotics and was recommended by the narcotics Officer-In-Charge
to attend a two-week DEA training school held in Las Vegas.
Narcotics was my chosen specialty. I have given expert
court testimony on the subject twenty-seven times.
Most of the details of
what I am about to tell you are contained in an FBI report
and investigation made pursuant to a complaint I filed
with Special Agent Stan Curry of the L.A. Field Office
on December 4, 1978. This was after I was forced out of
LAPD on November 30, 1978. I trust your staff has located
and reviewed the report.
In December 1975 I met
and quickly fell in love with a CIA agent named Nordica
Theodora D'Orsay - Teddy. Teddy and I moved in together
in March of 1976. As a childhood friend of a niece of the
Shah of Iran, Teddy had many unusual acquaintances which,
as she revealed them to me, turned out to include senior
members of LAPD's Organized Crime Intelligence Division
like Lee Goforth and Norm Bonneau, narcotics investigators
like Carl Thompson from Wilshire Division and organized
crime figures like Carlos Marcello, Hank Friedman and Dan
Horowitz. She also had relationships with members of the
Carlo Gambino crime family.
Around this time she indicated
to me that she knew Sergeant Carl Thompson of Wilshire
Division narcotics. Thompson had just been my supervisor
on an extended loan into the unit. Thompson was a designated
supervisor with access to the Narcotics Intelligence Network,
a secure system allowing detectives to track narcotics
investigations conducted by other units or Agencies including
DEA. Months later Teddy told me that N.I.N. was very important
to "her people". They could tell when investigations
got too close to their operations.
Then she started revealing
information to me from my confidential LAPD personnel package.
She also had accurate inside knowledge of operations inside
the Los Angeles Police Department. In May, 1976 she revealed
to me that she worked for the federal government in a capacity
that had to do with terrorism and narcotics. It was extremely
classified, she said. She convinced me of these connections
by accurately predicting changes of command in LAPD's intelligence
divisions. She refused to name the Agency she worked for
but categorically denied that it was the FBI or any Bureau
of Justice or the Treasury.
As time passed, she indicated
that "her people" were interested in having me
work for them. I was promoting rapidly and had an extremely
bright future with LAPD. I could be of great use. This
excited me until Teddy started revealing that, on various
trips, including Hawaii, the Bahamas, New Orleans, Texas
and Baja California - where she said she had once seen
narcotics offloaded from a submarine - she had seen large
quantities of firearms and narcotics - specifically cocaine
and heroin. Always, the guns were leaving the country and
the narcotics were coming in.
When I asked her what
happened to the narcotics her response was, "My people
are not interested in narcotics. We just let it go."
After returning from a
trip to Hawaii in early 1976 she told me of having been
in a room with close to a thousand M16s and fifty kilos
Repeatedly, I said to
her that I would not overlook narcotics. I said, "If
I'm ever in a room with fifty kilos of cocaine somebody's
going to jail and it's not going to be me." On this
position I have never compromised.
The strains my position
produced on our relationship were unbearable. Teddy left
suddenly in January, 1977 and almost immediately a group
of organized crime figures entered a real estate office
in Orange County where my mother worked as an agent selling
single family homes. My mother was suddenly immersed in
a $45 million deal involving thousands of acres of prime
land and circumstances which caused her great fear. She
asked me for help and, as a loyal police officer and son,
I gathered all the available information and presented
it to the Organized Crime Intelligence Division of LAPD.
I quickly found myself "unofficially" working
with Detectives Lee Goforth and Norm Bonneau. Goforth was
the same Lee Goforth Teddy had earlier mentioned knowing.
Lee was also a Brigadier General in the California National
Guard. I will tell you that I believe that Lee Goforth
and Norm Bonneau were both long term CIA assets, possibly
deep cover officers within LAPD.
At the time I was on staff
at the Los Angeles Police Academy. Goforth and Bonneau
visited my Captain, Jesse Brewer, who later rose to become
Assistant Chief and Police Commissioner in Los Angeles.
I was to be freed from basic duties and allowed to come
and go as I pleased. A car was to be made available for
me whenever I needed one. The instructions I received were
to visit my mother as often as needed and to gather all
available information on the real estate deal. I had frequent
meetings with Goforth and Bonneau at the OCID offices.
Always, they seemed just a little more interested in my
relationship with Teddy than with my mother's dilemma.
Present at many of these
meetings was another detective named John Xavier Vach whom
I had known from my internship years as having heavy intelligence
connections. Vach later served for several years as driver/bodyguard
to Chief Daryl Gates and was convicted in 1985 of moonlighting
for the CIA on city time and with providing Agency sources
with illegally obtained documents and records. His conviction
and the connections to CIA are a matter of public record
in Los Angeles.
While working this "unofficial" loan
to Organized Crime Intelligence I experienced five months
of surveillance, harassing phone calls and ultimately "black
bag" burglaries of my home and car in which photographs
of Teddy and my off duty weapon were taken.
In July of 1977, having
heard from Teddy, I forced my way to New Orleans where
she was then living with her younger sister. What I saw
and heard there over the course of eight days changed my
Teddy was living in an
apartment in Gretna, a New Orleans suburb. One of the first
things I saw in her apartment was an unusual telephone.
It was of the new "touch-tone" variety and it
was very heavy. An AC power adaptor hung from a cord in
the phone. When Teddy took sensitive calls she would plug
the adaptor into a wall socket and push a series of buttons.
This phone was a scrambler, years later, revealed to me
as bearing the U.S. Air Force designation KY3 which required
a clearance to possess.
I also saw a plastic shopping
bag which contained a black monocular night vision device.
Then I saw Teddy receive sealed communiques from Naval
and Air Force NCOs stationed at Belle Chase Naval Air station.
I heard her speak on the phone and in person to a U.S.
Army Special Forces veteran named Freddy about meetings
with a Carlos Marcello associate named Adrian. I was introduced
to a number of employees of the Brown & Root corporation,
long identified in public source material as a CIA contractor,
who were shipping out for Iran. Teddy told me that she
was especially concerned with making sure that certain
important shipments - weapons - were safely loaded onto
Brown and Root ships destined for Iran.
On one occasion we went
to a bar and sat with several employees from "the
company", Brown & Root and members of the New
Orleans Police Department.
Outside a bar in Terrytown,
shots were fired as Teddy and I walked to my car. The shots
struck the pavement a few feet from us. This was the first
time I was shot at.
In other conversations,
sometimes behind partially closed doors and upon which
I admittedly eavesdropped, I heard Teddy use the scrambler
phone to make arrangements for service boats operated by
firms connected to Carlos Marcello to pick up "packages" from
oil rigs in the Gulf. She later admitted that these packages
On several evenings she
left with Freddy to make sure that deliveries were proceeding
as scheduled. Finally, on my last two days there, Teddy
and an Air Force NCO named Johnny admitted CIA involvement.
Teddy even showed me a cover letter of transmittal stamped
with various routing and clearance boxes which was addressed
to Agent 2T6.
I should point out here
that the Director of Central Intelligence when I met Teddy
and when the New Orleans operations began was George Herbert
Walker Bush. The Deputy Director of Plans, or covert operations,
was Ted Shackley. Both men are central to the drug trafficking
by CIA and NSC which became epidemic in the Iran-Contra
era. The New Orleans operation continued unabated under
the Directorship of Admiral Stansfield Turner and the Presidency
of Jimmy Carter.
What I saw broke my heart
and terrified me. I severed all relations with Teddy. I
returned home to Los Angeles and reported everything I
had seen to detectives Goforth and Bonneau. Both had denied
any knowledge of her both before and after my trip. The
one physical piece of material I have remaining directly
from Teddy is a code key in Teddy's own handwriting which
she used to decipher messages received via U.S. Mail. I
gave a copy of it to the F.B.I. I refer you to EXHIBIT
I took a leave for stress
and returned to full duty. For one year I earned the highest
rating evaluations possible in the LAPD. I was locked-in
for promotion to detective. Then came the revolution in
Iran and I wondered if perhaps the weapons I had seen Teddy
arranging to leave New Orleans were somehow connected.
I began studying CIA and Iran. I reported my activities
to my superiors.
The second round of burglaries,
harassments and surveillance culminated in a death threat
which I tape recorded and still possess to this day. I
played it for investigators from the House Permanent Select
Intelligence Committee last winter. I have it here with
me if you wish to hear it.
When I sent a message
to LAPD's new Chief Daryl F. Gates that my life was in
danger and that his driver, John Vach, was a CIA man I
received word back, "The Chief is busy. He can give
you five or ten minutes in a week to ten days. Would you
care to make an appointment?"
Having prepared for this
contingency I resigned in the dead of night and fled Los
Angeles. I returned with an attorney, Tim Callahan, and
went directly to the Los Angeles Field Office of the F.B.I.
and reported everything I have just told you. I also sent
packages to Senators Hayakawa and Cranston as well as representatives
Dornan and Bielenson. I refer you here to EXHIBIT 2, dated
December 6, 1978.
Nothing happened. I was
labeled crazy by both LAPD and the FBI. After pressure
from my attorney and Senator Hayakawa an extensive investigation
was conducted by LAPD's Internal Affairs Division. Although
I was made aware by friends and intelligence officers within
LAPD that I had struck a raw and exposed nerve, the official
position of LAPD as reported to me by Sgt. Martin Pomeroy,
who is now a Deputy Chief, was that no action was to be
The general consensus
was that Teddy had been fabricating a wild story to lead
me on while she conducted affairs behind my back. She even
said so herself in a newspaper interview with the L.A.
Herald Examiner in 1981. But bear in mind that I had
detailed guns for drugs operations involving Carlos Marcello
and the Gambino crime family at locations which included
Mexico, New Orleans, the Bahamas and Texas. I had even
related her description of the use of submarines for such
I refer you now to EXHIBIT
3. On November 15, 1979, almost exactly a year after my
complaint to the FBI, The Los Angeles Times ran a story
reprinted from Newsday. Written by veteran reporter
Tom Renner, the story described a burgeoning guns-for-drugs
trade which centered around the crime families of Dons
Carlo Gambino and Carlos Marcello. The story specifically
described DEA investigations into exchanges of firearms
for drugs with known Latin American and Middle Eastern
terrorist groups in such locations as the Bahamas, New
Orleans and Mexico. The story even described the use of
submarines to transport the drugs off the Mexican coast.
The story also described efforts to "sanitize" DEA
reports on the subject and interfere with law enforcement
efforts. Both Renner and a Senate investigator, Bill Christensen
of the Subcommittee on Improvements in Judicial Machinery
later confirmed that these efforts originated with the
If Teddy made it all up
then she ranks right up there with Nostradamus as a prophet
since most of her statements were made to me three years
before the Renner story broke. Those events were the backbone
of my complaint to my government and then, after I was
told they were nonsensical, they turned up almost verbatim
in U.S. Senate records a year later from official U.S.
I called Tom Renner and
I said, "I think the CIA is dealing drugs to fund
covert operations." Renner replied, "I think
you're absolutely right." He referred me to Bill Christensen.
Not only did Christensen confirm my conclusions, he expanded
on them by adding that his offices were being burglarized,
his phones were tapped and he was being routinely surveilled.
I refer you now to EXHIBIT 4, which was my first letter
Christensen later assured
me that I would be called to testify. It never happened.
Instead, as I was looking for employment I found that unmarked
LAPD vehicles would routinely turn up at places where I
was having job interviews. Even though I had no disciplinary
actions at LAPD and an exemplary record job offers and
interviews were terminated without explanation. Desperate
for money I took a job as a 7-11 store clerk. Two hours
into my second shift I was arrested for selling liquor
to a minor in what I am sure, to this day, was a set-up.
Under enormous stress
I got drunk one night and collapsed on my front lawn. A
shot barked in the distance and stuck the grass inches
from my head. This was the second time I was shot at.
On April 18, 1980 two
FBI agents confirmed to me that CIA had been dealing drugs
to fund covert operations during an interview at the FBI
field office in Westwood, California.
My car was repossessed
shortly thereafter. I filed bankruptcy in December, 1980.
In 1981, with the new
Reagan administration I discovered that my old friend Craig
Fuller was now Assistant to the President for Cabinet Affairs.
I was grateful when L.A. Herald Examiner columnist
Randall Sullivan wrote two front-page stories on me in
October which also referred to our friendship. I refer
you to EXHIBIT 5. Having just made contact with Fuller,
and having been warmly received, I flew to Washington where
I waited for a follow-up on his invitation to visit him.
I refer you now to EXHIBIT 6, which is the first of approximately
six letters I was to receive from him over the next six
On October 26, 1981 I
sat in Craig Fuller's office in the West Wing of the White
House. We talked of personal matters and then our conversation
turned to the stories by Randall Sullivan. I looked at
Craig and I said, "The CIA is complicit in bringing
drugs into this country and it is wrong." Craig made
no response whatsoever. He became motionless and expressionless.
He did not come back to life again until I changed the
subject. But I knew he heard me. Craig served as Chief
of Staff to Vice President Bush in the second Reagan term.
I should point out here
that original letters to me from Craig Fuller - including
the one I just exhibited, were stolen from my residence
while I slept just three days after I confronted DCI Deutch.
The burglary occurred the same day that an investigator
from this committee called me and asked if I possessed
such letters and if I could fax them immediately. LAPD
Foothill Division has obtained fingerprints other than
my own from the place where the documents were stored.
I should mention that another original exists, on White
House stationery, which I can produce should the Committee
wish to see it.
After my visit to Craig
Fuller I became increasingly frustrated with the lack of
progress. Several days later I picked up the phone and
called the Managing Editor of The Washington Star.
I got right through. I said, "The CIA is dealing drugs
in this country to finance covert operations." His
response was, "Mike, that's the worst kept secret
in Washington."... The worst kept secret in Washington!
Now to a specific case
of admissions against interest which constitute admissible
Back in los Angeles and
still not clear on the causes of what I had seen I sought
out a middle east expert at UCLA. I was placed in touch
with Professor Paul Jabber of the Political Science Department.
Paul was impressed by my conclusions that the weapons leaving
New Orleans had been destined for one of several indigenous
rebel groups in the region. He then disclosed to me that
he had been a CIA and State Department consultant at the
NSC level during the Carter Administration. Having signed
secrecy oaths he could not disclose to me the information
I needed. He could, however, direct me to open source material
which might fill in the blanks.
I followed his direction,
which was to read certain stories by William Safire and
C. L. Sulzberger, and returned with an explanation for
what I had seen. Paul Jabber unilaterally confirmed my
conclusions. Sulzberger himself, the scion of The New
York Times, knew that CIA had been dealing drugs for
a long time. I refer you to EXHIBIT 7.
What my directed research
revealed was that on March 3, 1975 the Shah of Iran and
Saddam Hussein had signed the Treaty of Algiers. In that
treaty the Shah received control of the Shaat-al-Arab waterway
so that he could increase his oil exports. In exchange,
he immediately cut off all U.S. covert military assistance
to Kurdish rebels operating in the Turkish/Iraqi/Iranian
trans-border region. The U.S. had been arming the Kurds
to wage guerilla warfare against the Iraqi army to divide
it sufficiently so that it could not attack Israel. Within
days of the treaty's signing thousands of Kurds were massacred
by Saddam in a foreshadowing of what was to come in Desert
Alarmed at the potential
loss of a long term asset the CIA decided to aid the Kurds
in the only way possible - by smuggling weapons into Kurdestan
along opium smuggling routes and to sell the opium grown
there to Americans to pay for the weapons. I should point
out that Kurdestan is in the second largest opium growing
region in the world.
Not only did Paul Jabber
confirm my analysis, he added that in March, 1975, just
weeks before the fall of Saigon, "Congress was not
about to appropriate a nickel for a covert operation anywhere." The
decision, he said, "was made at the National Security
I refer you now to EXHIBIT
8 which is a letter of recommendation written for me by
Paul Jabber in which he praises my analytical thinking
after discussing matters related to the international drug
trade. At the time he wrote it Paul had left UCLA to become
Vice president of Banker's Trust. I believe he is still
It is critical to note
that as this operation went into effect Richard Secord
was transferred to Iran as Senior Air Advisor, Richard
Helms became Ambassador and other key Iran-Contra figures
such as Richard Armitage, Ted Shackley, Tom Clines and,
I believe, Felix Rodriguez assumed duties in the region.
These are the same men who funded an entire secret war
in Laos for the Agency on the profits of heroin produced
in the Golden Triangle of Burma, Laos and Thailand. These
men all resurfaced in the heroin explosion from Pakistan
in 1980 and then in Iran-Contra. They are still extremely
active today. In fact, sources tell me that Felix Rodriguez
has just been placed in charge of a program to deliver
helicopters to Mexico to "assist" the Mexican
government with eradication efforts and suppression. I
am extremely suspicious.
Then, in January, 1987,
a story broke in The Boston Globe about how Ross
Perot had confronted Richard Armitage and George Bush over
CIA involvement in drug trafficking and the related abandonment
of POWs after Vietnam. It said everything I had been saying
for ten years. I reasoned that if a man like Ross Perot
knew, and if he had made it known inside the White House,
with his influence, then surely something would happen.
Then came the Kerry hearings.
Twice I was assured by Kerry staff members that I would
be called to testify. It never happened. I conclude that
this was because what I had seen in New Orleans occurred
during the Carter Administration not the Reagan Administration.
It proved to me that a shadow government had seized control
of our country. That shadow government stood, and stands
today, isolated and immune from the operating principles
of democracy. It is autonomous and it operates through
self-funding via narcotics and weapons trafficking. To
quote William Casey it is "a completely self-funding,
off-the-shelf operation." It, in fact, dictates a
substantial portion of this country's foreign, economic
and military policy from a place not accessible to the
will of a free people properly armed with facts.
For three years I forgot
about all of this. In 1990 as the Kurds were once again
being massacred and Brown & Root subsidiaries increased
their operations in Turkish Kurdestan I wrote to Ross Perot
who had opposed Desert Storm and he called me. I shall
never forget what he said.
"Mike, I must know
forty or fifty former military officers and law enforcement
personnel who have discovered what you have. They have
all had their lives ruined, been called crazy and forced
into poverty. You'd think they'd do something different
once in a while but they don't because it works."
Then he said something
which has haunted me ever since. He said, "Even with
all of my resources I don't know why I pursue it. I can't
seem to get anything done. And they do the same thing with
me and it works."
I had two phone conversations
with Ross Perot. When he ran for President in 1992 I was
the press spokesman for the Perot Presidential Movement
in Los Angeles County. That led to a brief story in PEOPLE Magazine
about my efforts to expose CIA drug dealing. That Presidential
campaign and the PEOPLE story opened the doors for
me into the inner world of the shadow government. Since
then I have met more than a dozen former U.S. Army Special
Forces troops, Navy Seals, a half dozen former CIA officers
and many DEA agents and former federal law enforcement
officers who have confirmed that CIA deals drugs.
When I made my statement
to Director Deutch I spoke of three specific Agency operations
called Amadeus, Pegasus and Watchtower. I would like to
speak of them briefly.
The Watchtower missions
surfaced around 1990 when an affidavit allegedly written
by Col. Ed Cutolo of the 10th Special Forces
Group, Airborne surfaced through retired Lt. Col Bo Gritz
whom I have met twice. Although not actually written by
Cutolo the affidavit has since been corroborated by a number
of supporting affidavits, military records, Freedom of
Information Act inquiries and dedicated research - some
of which has been contributed by me.
Cutolo was killed in an
accident in England in 1980 after expressing his concerns
about illegal operations. His death has been linked to
the murder of four other Special Forces Colonels including
the legendary Bo Baker and Nick Rowe. Among the murders
and mysterious deaths listed in the affidavit are those
of Archbishop Romero and Congressman Larkin Smith.
That affidavit details
how Special Forces personnel were ordered by CIA personnel
including Ed Wilson to penetrate Colombia in 1975 and 76
to plant radar beacons so that cocaine flights could successfully
fly below radar and land undetected at Albrook field in
Panama. It also details how a former Special Forces troop
named William Tyree, who was on these missions, was framed,
in spite of overwhelming evidence of his innocence, for
the murder of his own wife. This was in 1979 after he had
expressed misgivings about being ordered to participate
in massive domestic surveillance, harassment and blackmail
operations. It was also exactly the same time that I was
forced out of LAPD. Bill has been serving a life sentence
in Walpole State Prison in Massachusetts for eighteen years.
I have spoken to and corresponded
with Bill Tyree many times and I consider him to be as
innocent as Geronimo Pratt, the Black Panther who was recently
released from a California prison. Indeed, there is evidence
that Tyree was not at the murder scene and that there were
witnesses who saw the actual killer emerge from Tyree's
bedroom window the day his wife was murdered. He was framed
to ensure his silence and the threat of harm still hangs
over his family as I speak to you this day if he ever reveals
all of what he knows.
The Agency even admitted
the existence of the Watchtower missions in correspondence
to Bill Tyree several years ago. I refer you to EXHIBIT
The Pegasus operations
are listed in a variety of sources and published books
including works by the Christic Institute and Rodney Stich.
They have been most dramatically confirmed recently by
Dois G. "Chip" Tatum, a former high-ranking CIA
officer, who has placed his documentation on his web page
at www.wild_life.com. The missions are Iran-Contra era
operations and directly link to admitted Agency operations
at Mena, Arkansas where tons of cocaine were smuggled by
Agency personnel into this country. That smuggling took
place under direct orders from the highest levels of this
The investigative material,
contrary to denials, is overwhelming, irrefutable and shows
a direct link between then Governor Bill Clinton and CIA
operations. It is further corroborated by investigative
material, court records and the testimony provided by Terry
Reed in his book Compromised. I have unclassified
reports from CIA in which the Agency admits to running
covert operations at Mena during the period.
Finally the Amadeus missions
are the single most important piece of investigative work,
other than my own experience, which I have to add to this
investigation. My investigations into Amadeus have detailed
the life of Albert V. Carone, a retired New York Police
detective who, at his death from "chemical toxicity
of unknown etiology", held the rank of full Colonel
in the U.S. Army Reserves. I refer you to EXHIBIT 10. I
have held this man's personal phone book in my hands. In
it I found the home addresses and phone numbers of DCI
William Casey, Paul Helliwell, a long establish CIA covert
operative connected to drugs, General Richard Stillwell
and many other CIA figures.
I also found the home
addresses and phone numbers of a number of Mafia figures
including Pauly Castellano, head of the Gambino crime family
and many other known Mafia figures. This is hard documentary
evidence which is available to this Committee.
In the years before his
death Carone made open statements - admissions against
interest - to family members not only about the hands-on
drug dealing roles of such figures as Oliver North, Richard
Secord, Elliot Abrams, George Bush, John Poindexter, Felix
Rodriguez and Chi Chi Quintero but about murder and torture.
Carone frequently referred to Amadeus as the CIA umbrella
governing his laundering of drug money through a host of
banks worldwide. Some bank records and account numbers
connected to the Bahamas and the Jersey islands still remain.
He also described the operations of such Iran-Contra era
drug kingpins Rafael Caro Quintero and Miguel Angel Felix
Gallardo. When he died in 1990 he left behind records,
a passport and a great many leads which totally substantiate
Carone and an associate,
James Robert Strauss, went on many covert missions to Mexico
and Central America. After one such mission to Mexico in
the Spring of 1985 Carone returned home, disheartened,
and told of how CIA operations had directly resulted in
the murder of a DEA agent and his pilot. He was referring,
of course, to Agent Kiki Camarena.
We have since obtained
tape recorded statements from James Robert Strauss that
Amadeus was none other than George Herbert Walker Bush.
That tape is safely stored, awaiting an opportunity to
be presented to the American people directly for their
judgement by Carone's daughter, Dee Ferdinand.
Travel records of Strauss'
insurance firm show that Strauss, a small time insurance
broker and manager, routinely made frequent trips, sometimes
just days apart to such cities as Paris, London, Johannesburg,
Dharan, Kuala Lumpur, Singapore, Hong Kong, Jedda, Lisbon,
Madrid, New York and the Bahamas. In his own words he did
it under orders. I have provided copies of those travel
records to your committee. A former FBI agent who once
served as my lawyer reviewed the records and stated that
such travel expenditure could only occur on a GTR government
account. I refer you to EXHIBIT 11.
in statements made to me, have confirmed that Strauss was
terminated in 1987 as an agency manager for his involvement
with drugs. I have those statements with me now if you
When Al Carone died in
1990 a funny thing happened. His NYPD pension disappeared.
His military records disappeared. His life insurance policies
disappeared. His joint bank accounts, held with his daughter,
disappeared. Even his New Mexico driver's license and car
registration disappeared. His family and his daughter were
left on the brink of bankruptcy - wiped out. Carone was
buried in a New Mexico cemetery with the rank of Staff
Sergeant, the highest rank he attained during the Second
World War. The Army said he had never served a day since.
Everybody said they had never heard of him. Nonetheless,
his official military record in St. Louis is now the copyrighted
report I wrote on his life in 1994 and which I have provided
to this Committee.
Now for some circumstantial
evidence which serves as utter damnation. Bill Tyree and
the daughter of Colonel Ed Cutolo, when shown a photograph
of Albert Carone, both identified him and provided Carone's
daughter, Dee Ferdinand of Corrales New Mexico, with information
about him which had previously been unpublished and unknown
to any outside his family. Tyree confirms a direct link
between Carone and the Watchtower missions in Panama as
well as illegal domestic operations run from Fort Devens.
I visited Dee in 1993.
At the time I told her that there was only one man who
could help her. That man was a retired, but still very
active, Deputy Director of CIA, Ted Shackley. Within approximately
ten days of Dee's first contact with Shackley Carone's
headstone was changed from Staff Sergeant to full Colonel.
She possess a copy of the order so directing. She has had
a number of conversations with Shackley in which Shackley
has admitted to having known and worked with her father.
She is only too eager to testify about them.
I have been burglarized
twice since I confronted John Deutch yet I have not been
interviewed by the CIA when the only stipulation I asked
for was that a lawyer or witness be present and that I
be allowed to tape record. This was after the Agency advised
me that nothing in its investigation would be redacted
or withheld from the American people. The Agency's response
was that we would be discussing classified material and
they would not allow me to tape. Does not their admission
that my story reaches classified material constitute an
admission of its accuracy?
The material I would have
given the Agency is the exact same material I give you
today. It is the exact same material I have used for lectures
at UCLA, San Jose State, Cal Poly Pomona, Ventura College
and at approximately fifteen private venues. It is the
exact same material which the History department of UCLA
accepted into its archives when Professor James Wilkie
took a three hour oral history of my life on April 9, 1997.
If this material is classified then what does the government
have to hide? And doesn't, "The cat's out of the bag" even
remotely apply here? This cat's been out of the bag for
a long, long time. And it has left quite a few signs of
Since my confrontation
with DCI Deutch mail sent to me, intended to be passed
along to the Honorable Maxine Waters, has been intercepted
at the post office, opened, documents replaced with classified
ads and the envelope returned to the sender.
When I weaken and grow
tired of the sacrifice this struggle has demanded from
me I think of Bill Tyree in prison or the family of Marine
Colonel Jim Sabow who was murdered for trying to expose
this treachery when he was Chief of Air Operations at El
Toro Marine Air Station. I think of the families who attended
a conference I sponsored in Indiana in the winter of 1993
where we gathered to investigate the inexplicable suicides
of what was to become more than one hundred active duty
personnel in the U.S. military. Many of these men had complained
of drugs or covert operations in the weeks prior to their
deaths. I think of the families of the POW/MIAs left behind
in Southeast Asia and I think of the black men tortured
with syphilis at Tuskegee or the thousands of crack babies
born in inner city ghettos. I think of the white middle
class Americans in Kansas City, Portland and Boston who
lost lives and families to drug addiction at the same time
that I think of the Americans who lost their savings and
pensions during the saving & loan crisis - which is
directly related to these events. I think of the lies and
death of principle at Ruby Ridge and the disproportionate
sentencing which makes black men serve one hundred times
longer for using the same drug which whites use in a different
form. I think of scandals like Wedtech, Kennametal, the
Gander Crash and the horrible crimes behind INSLAW including
the death of Danny Casolero. I think of Agent Orange and
the Gulf War syndrome and I stand firm with the growing
constituency of Americans who no longer have faith of any
kind in their government.
Someday we will be the
And I thank God that Maxine
Waters and angry African-Americans have flexed their political
muscle along with a few concerned whites to compel these
hearings. For they and they alone hold the soul of this
nation in their hands until such time as we are joined
in unity by all justice loving Americans. Never have the
words of Ben Franklin rung so true, "We must all hang
together or else we shall all surely hang separately."
This is not about race.
This is not about left and right. This is about right and
Some three hundred and
fifty years ago Galileo Galilei was persecuted for teaching
that the earth was a round planet which revolved around
an obscure star at the edge of an unremarkable galaxy.
The Catholic church and much of the citizenry of the time
shunned and persecuted him for telling the truth. They
were afraid he might upset the social order. But they could
not kill him because the Church knew that his science was
the key to successful navigation and exploration of the
planet. Those who followed Galileo's discoveries could
be counted on to gain wealth and power and the resulting
economic growth would benefit all mankind. I live, Senator,
for the day and the hour in which the people of this country
and this world will recognize that honor, integrity and
trust are as indispensable to the growth and perhaps the
survival of this race as Galileo's discoveries were.
Senator, if you truly
represent the best interests of the people, I want you
and your colleagues to pass a law which grants absolute
immunity from prosecution or punishment to anyone covered
under the National Security Act, the CIA Act, the Espionage
Act or any applicable military regulations so that they
can come forward and speak first-hand of the crimes which
are destroying the fabric of this nation. If you truly
represent the people you will see to it that Nuremburg
style trials are held in full view of the world and the
guilty are brought to justice. And you will see that intelligence
agencies of this government are either abolished or so
drastically restructured that crimes of this nature can
never happen again.
Abraham Lincoln once said, "If
slavery is not evil, then nothing is evil." I say
that if CIA dealing drugs to Americans is not wrong - then
nothing is wrong.
Thank you for finally
allowing me to speak my peace. My duty is now discharged.
I welcome your questions.
[As of March 1997 these
remarks are in the possession of the Intelligence Committees
of both houses and five additional members of Congress.
I have received no reply.]
[пїЅ COPYRIGHT 1997, MICHAEL
C. RUPPERT. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED UNTIL SUCH TIME AS THESE
REMARKS ARE ACCEPTED INTO THE RECORD IN AN OPEN HEARING
AND I HAVE GIVEN OPEN TESTIMONY BEFORE THE UNITED STATES
SENATE OR THE HOUSE OR REPRESENTATIVES.]
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